ࡱ> { Bpbjbjzz "_%& & h$,,,P|xT,k`r"o T ,jjjjjjj$m1ppj!oo!!jj111!<j1!j112Te`i4d1C1"f.jj0kgJpe1"p\`i`ipfj$!!1!!!!!jj1!!!k!!!!p!!!!!!!!!& F: Indigenous Inherent Right to Education Table of Contents  TOC \o "1-6" \h \z Introduction  PAGEREF _Toc221688015 \h 1 Education as an Aboriginal Right  PAGEREF _Toc221688016 \h 2 Underlying Constitutional Principles  PAGEREF _Toc221688017 \h 3 The principle of the protection and respect of minorities  PAGEREF _Toc221688018 \h 5 The Remedial Purpose of s. 35  PAGEREF _Toc221688019 \h 6 Conclusion  PAGEREF _Toc221688020 \h 9 Bibliography  PAGEREF _Toc221688021 \h 11  Introduction It is a well known fact that many Indigenous languages in Canada are threatened with extinction. Of the 50 or so Indigenous languages still spoken in Canada today, linguists predict that only three to five are expected to survive. If we consider one of these latter languages, Anishinaabemowin, which includes Ojibwa, Oji-Cree (or Northern Ojibwa) and Algonquin, there are approximately 40,000 speakers today. (This, of course, excludes native speakers in Minnesota and Wisconsin.) For Mary Carpenter, [w]hen a language dies, the world dies, the world it was generated from breaks down too. Menno Boldt echoes this sentiment when he states: When a language dies a world view is lost. Thus, Indians cannot fully survive as Indians without retaining their languages. They cannot fully understand or experience the philosophies, principles, and social and normative systems of their ancestors without their languages. They may don traditional dress and participate in the traditional dances, but without their languages they cannot think and feel the same spiritual relationship with the land and all life forms thereon that their ancestors did. Only through their indigenous languages can todays Indians fully access the knowledge, wisdom, sentiments, and meanings offered by their cultural heritage. In short, without their languages they cannot fully restore their traditional identity or nationhood. In other words, Indigenous languages are fundamental to maintaining an Indigenous worldview and traditional knowledge. In the Mah affaire, the Supreme Court of Canada also made a direct connection between language and worldview when it pointed out that the general purpose of s. 23 is clear: it is to preserve and promote the two official languages of Canada, and their respective cultures, by ensuring that each language flourishes, as far as possible, in provinces where it is not spoken by the majority of the population. Chief Justice Dickson emphasized that this reference to cultures is significant: it is based on the fact that any broad guarantee of language rights, especially in the context of education, cannot be separated from a concern for the culture associated with the language. It is much for these reasons that Boldt maintained that language is their most important aboriginal right. In 1973, the National Indian Brotherhood published the policy paper Indian Control of Education. It recommended the transfer of education to the local Indian band and the hiring of teachers who are fluent in the local language. In 1988, the Assembly of First Nations produced the report Training and Education: Towards a Vision of our Future in which it claimed that claimed education is an inherent right and that First Nations languages should be given official status. In light of this, I will first look at the question of Aboriginal language and education as Aboriginal rights protected by s. 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982. From a legal point of view, the transfer of jurisdiction is a fairly straightfoward matter: federal Parliament is entirely free to use ss. 91(24) to create Aboriginal school boards, as it has done in the case of the the Mikmaq Education Act in Nova Scotia. I will explore here the Supreme Courts interpretation of section 23 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms which provides for minority language schools in light of the equation between minority language rights and Aboriginal rights it drew in the Qubec Secession Reference. More specifically, I submit that the recognition of the remedial purpose of s. 23, which recognises past wrongs is all the more applicable to s. 35 rights. Education as an Aboriginal Right In Van der Peet, Lamer C.J. established that in order to be an aboriginal right an activity must be an element of a practice, custom or tradition integral to the distinctive culture of the Aboriginal group claiming the right. In order to be protected by ss. 35(1), the tradition, custom or practice must have existed prior to contact, although it may be exercised in a modern form of a tradition, must be integral to the particular nation and must have been practiced continuously since contact, although this does not have to be an unbroken chain of continuity. By integral, the Court stated that it must be of central significance to the Aboriginal society in question, that is one of the things that truly made the society what it was. To put the question negatively, the Court asks whether, without this practice, tradition or custom, the culture in question would be fundamentally altered or other than it was.  Chief Justice Lamer had previously stated in Adams that the noble purpose of ss. 35(1) is to preserve the integral and defining features of distinctive aboriginal societies. It is difficult to think of a practice, tradition or custom that is more integral to the distinctive culture of an Aboriginal group than language and education. Underlying Constitutional Principles In the Qubec Secession Reference, the Supreme Court of Canada reviewed four of the underlying unwritten principles of the Constitution of Canada: 1) constitutionalism and the rule of law; 2) democracy; 3) federalism; and 4) the protection and respect of minorities. Although the first three principles have an impact on Aboriginal rights, it is the fourth principle that is particularly interesting for the purposes of this paper. Before looking at the specific principle of the protection and respect of minorities, I shall first consider the nature of these principles and how they can be used by the tribunals. According to the Supreme Court of Canada, the underlying principles are the vital, unstated assumptions upon which the text is based. They assist in the interpretation of the text and the delineation of spheres of jurisdiction, the scope of rights and obligations, and the role of our political institutions. In other words, in order to interpret specific written provisions of the Constitution, it is necessary to take into account the larger underlying principles on which they are based. The utility of these principles is immediately evident as the delineation of spheres of jurisdiction will have an effect on the scope of self-government that is necessarily implicit in s. 35. It is worth mentioning that, although we insist on the scope Aboriginal rights, we rarely consider the scope of Aboriginal obligations. For example, the underlying principle of rule of law implies that, while federal and provincial statutes or regulations cannot infringe, without justification, on Aboriginal rights, such rights cannot be exempt from the rule of law. Since the only other legal order that could apply is that of the Aboriginal people, this implies a certain degree of self-government and the corresponding obligation of, for example, resource conservation and management. While these underlying principles cannot be taken as an invitation to dispense with the written text but instead invite the courts to turn them into the premises of a constitutional argument that culminates in the filling of gaps in the express terms of the text. Here it would seem that these principles are fare more than a simple tool for interpreting the Constitution and may even be used as a source of law, albeit in a limited way. However, the Court goes even further and recognises that they may in certain circumstances give rise to substantive legal obligations, in other words, they may have full legal force. Indeed, these principles may give rise to very abstract and general obligations, or they may be more specific and precise in nature. Finally, the Court insists that these principles are not merely descriptive, but are also invested with a powerful normative force, and are binding upon both courts and governments. Although the Court does not give any examples of these certain circumstances, it would seem that these underlying principles do not always simply inform the written text, but can be a source of normative and substantive legal obligations that have full legal force and are thus binding upon courts and governments. The principle of the protection and respect of minorities The main underlying principle of the Constitution that concerns us here is that of the protection and respect of minorities. In terms of minorities that enjoy constitutionally entrenched rights, the Court specifically mentioned religious minorities, linguistic minorities and Aboriginal peoples. The Court stated that, in the areas of religious and linguistic minority education for example, in the the absence of such protection, it was felt that the minorities [] would be submerged and assimilated. The Court then emphasised that, while the three other constitutional principles inform the scope and operation of the specific [written] provisions that protect the rights of minorities, [] the protection of minority rights is itself an independent principle underlying our constitutional order. In terms of the Charter, the Court then recognised that one of the key considerations motivating the enactment of the Charter, and the process of constitutional judicial review that it entails, is the protection of minorities. The Court then took special note of aboriginal rights: Consistent with this long tradition of respect for minorities, which is at least as old as Canada itself, the framers of the Constitution Act, 1982 included in s. 35 explicit protection for existing aboriginal and treaty rights, and in s. 25, a non-derogation clause in favour of the rights of aboriginal peoples. The "promise" of s. 35, as it was termed in R. v. Sparrow, [1990] 1 S.C.R. 1075, at p. 1083, recognized not only the ancient occupation of land by aboriginal peoples, but their contribution to the building of Canada, and the special commitments made to them by successive governments. The protection of these rights, so recently and arduously achieved, whether looked at in their own right or as part of the larger concern with minorities, reflects an important underlying constitutional value. Although the Court states quite clearly that the protection of aboriginal rights reflects an important underlying constitutional value in its own right, it also recognises it as reflecting a larger concern with the protection of minorities and that the purpose of this protection is to prevent minorities from being submerged and assimilated. The Remedial Purpose of s. 35 The Supreme Court of Canada has explicitly recognised that the purpose of s. 23 of the Charter is to remedy past wrongs. In Qubec (Procureur gnral) v. Quebec Assn. of Protestant School Boards, the first case that dealt with s. 23 minority language education rights, the Court stated that s. 23 is not simply an entrenchment and codification of pre-existing language rights, but a unique set of constitutional provisions. Similarly, in Sparrow, the first case that dealt with s. 35 rights, the Supreme Court of Canada established that s. 35 is not simply a codification of common law aboriginal rights, but represents a promise. Again in Quebec Assn. of Protestant School Boards, the Court also stated for the first time that the interpretation of s. 23 is remedial in its purpose. This was confirmed in Mahe, where the Court repeated that it was designed to remedy an existing problem in Canada, and hence to alter the status quo.More explicitly, the Court added that s. 23 was designed to correct, on a national scale, the progressive erosion of minority official language groups. In re Public Schools Act, the Court again reaffirmed Protestant School Board and Mahe, noting that s. 23 should be construed remedially, in recognition of previous injustices that have gone unredressed and which have required the entrenchment of protection for minority language rights. Similarly, in Sparrow, the Court also cited with approval the Court of Appeal of British Columbia, which, in rejecting the empty box doctrine, stated that to so construe s. 35(1) would be to ignore its language and the principle that the Constitution should be interpreted in a liberal and remedial way. We cannot accept that that principle applies less strongly to aboriginal rights than to the rights guaranteed by the Charter, particularly having regard to the history and to the approach to interpreting treaties and statutes relating to Indians. But what precisely is the nature of these past wrongs? When one considers the purpose of the Common Schools Act in New Brunswick in 1871, the Official Language Act and Public Schools Act of 1890 in Manitoba that purported to repeal sections 22 and 23 of the Manitoba Act, Regulation 17 in Ontario in 1912, it is hard to argue that the submersion and assimilation of which the Court spoke as simply a matter of benign neglect. I do not think it too strong language to use the term ethnocide to qualify these acts, that is, the intentional and systematic destruction of an ethnic culture. If the remedial purpose of s. 23 is to counter the previous injustices towards franchophone minorities that have gone unaddresed, that is their forced assimilation, then what about the various clauses of the Indian Act that denied Indian status to Indigneous women and their children, the residential school system and the sixities scoop? In this regard, there seems to be little difference in the purpose of s. 23 and s. 35. The promise of s. 35 is remedial in purpose, that is, to right past wrongs. Judge Sharpe of the Ontario Court of Appeal in Powley explicitly recognised that: Not only was the trial judge entitled to take into account the evidence of the severe prejudice and discrimination inflicted upon the Mtis:it is my view that it would have been quite wrong for him to ignore it.The constitutional recognition of the existence of the Mtis as one of Canada's aboriginal peoples may not be capable of redressing all the wrongs of the past, but it cannot be that when interpreting the constitution, a court should ignore those wrongs.As noted by Dickson C.J. and La Forest J. in Sparrow, at 1103, "[f]or many years, the rights of the Indians to their aboriginal lands - certainly as legal rights - were virtually ignored."It is undeniable that past practices, including those of government, have weakened the identity of aboriginal peoples by suppressing languages, cultures and visibility.It would be completely contrary to the spirit of s. 35 to ignore these historical facts when interpreting the constitutional guarantee. It can be futher argued that part of the Crowns fiduciary obligation under s. 35(1) is to remedy these past wrongs. Insofar as education constitutes a positive right and not simply a negative freedom, federal Parliament cannot simply take a passive role of non interference, but must use its powers under ss. 91(24) to put into place an appropropiate educational infrastructure to actively preservre, protect and promote Indigneous languages. In Sparrow, the Court noted that, despite the adoption of s. 35, [f]ederal legislative powers continue, including, of course, the right to legislate with respect to Indians pursuant to s. 91(24) of the Constitution Act, 1867. These powers must, however, now be read together with s. 35(1). In other words, federal power must be reconciled with federal duty []. Conclusion The question of jurisdiction obviously does not deal with the issue of funding. One can only imagine the headlines in English Canada if, say, it were to be revealed that Anglophone schools in Qubec were underfunded relative to Francophone schools. There are presently some four hundred on-reserve band controlled and operated schools in Canada. However, while recognising such rights may help to slow the seemingly inexorable loss of Aboriginal languages on-reserve, it does little to address the problems off-reserve that result from the demographic tendency toward urbanisation of Aboriginal peoples. In 1991, the First Nations, Inuit and Mtis populations were estimated at 720,000, of which almost two-thirds (466,100) resided off-reserve and almost 45 percent (320,000) lived in urban areas. Menno Boldt mentions as that due to these demographic trends, the fate of Indian cultures may be decided by urban Indians. As can be expected, language retention is much higher among on-reserve than off-reserve Indians. In 1996, fifty-two percent of registered Indians on-reserve reported an Aboriginal mother tongue, compared with only eighteen percent of registered Indians off-reserve and six percent of Non-Status Indians. Aboriginal language and education rights, like those of Francophones, must be recognised as portable rights as well as community rights. For this reason, I will look at the possibility of constitutional amendments that would recognise Aboriginal language rights not only on reserve, but off-reserve as well, and especially in the area of parent-controlled school boards and positive obligations on the provincial governments. In 1990 and 1991, the Assembly of First Nations (AFN) led an inquiry on the state of First Nations languages on the reserves of Canada. The results were published in the reports Towards Linguistic Justice for First Nations (1990) and Towards Rebirth of First Nations Languages (1992). The results for aboriginal languages were alarming: the survey showed that out of roughly 53 languages in Canada, 50 were becoming extinct. The report emphasized that only one-third of the 151 communities surveyed (out of approximately 630) could be classified as having a language that was truly flourishing (i.e., with over 80% of all age groups fluent in their mother tongue) or stable (i.e., with over 60% of all age groups speaking it fluently). In over one-fourth of the communities, the language was "declining," meaning that there was a decrease in the number of speakers in each age group. Unfortunately, it is estimated that at least 80% of Canada's aboriginal languages are currently on their way to extinction. There are only a few dozenand sometimes not even thatspeakers of a number of aboriginal languages, such as Chinook, Comox, and Kutenai. Although the loss of an aboriginal mother tongue does not necessarily lead to the disappearance of the ancestral culture, it is nonetheless a step in that direction. Only HYPERLINK "http://www.slmc.uottawa.ca/?q=native_languages"Cree, Inuktitut, and Ojibway are spoken by sufficient numbers of people to be considered safe from extinction in the long run. These three languages represent more than 90% of the native speakers of aboriginal languages, leaving little hope for the dozens of other languages. Bibliography Taiaiake Alfred, Peace, Power and Righteousness: An Indigenous Manifesto (Don Mills: Oxford University Press, 1999). Akwesasne Notes (ed.), Basic Call to Consciousness (Summertown: Native Voices, 2005). 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Sparrow, [1990] 1 S.C.R. 1075. R. v. Van der Peet, [1996] 2 S.C.R. 507.  Source ?  Mary Carpenter, Inuktitut magazine, 1974, quoted in Milloy, ibid., at 281  Supra, at 187.  Ibid., at para. 31. Emphasis added.  Mahe, supra, at para. 32.  Ibid., at 189.  Canada, Public Policy and Aboriginal Peoples, 1965-1992. Vol. 2: Summaries of Reports by Federal Bodies and Aboriginal Organizations, Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services Canada, 1994), at 200.  Ibid., at 287.  Mikmaq Education Act, S.C. 1998, c. 24.  Ibid., at para. 46.  Ibid., at para. 65.  Van der Peet, supra, at para. 55. Emphasis in original.  Ibid, at 59.  R. v. Adams, [1996] 3 S.C.R. 101, at para. 33.  Reference re Secession of Quebec, [1998] 2 S.C.R. 217.  Supra, at para. 49.  Ibid., at para. 52.  Ibid., at para. 53. Emphasis added.  Ibid., at para. 54. Emphasis added.  Ibid., at para. 79. Emphasis added.  Ibid., at para. 80. Emphasis added.  Ibid., at para. 81.  Ibid., at para. 82. Emphasis added. Qubec (Procureur gnral) c. Quebec Assn. of Protestant School Boards, [1984] 2 R.C.S. 66.  Ibid., at para. 29.  Sparrow, supra, at 1083.  Ibid., at para. 30.  Mahe v. Alberta, [1990] 1 S.C.R. 342.  Mahe, at para. 34. Emphasis added.  Ibid., at para. 35. Emphasis added.  Reference re Public Schools Act (Man.), s. 79(3), (4) and (7), [1993] 1 S.C.R. 839, at para. 16.  R. v. Sparrow, (1986), 9 B.C.L.R. (2d) 300, at 322. Cited in R. v. Sparrow, [1990] 1 S.C.R. 1075, at 1107.  R. v. Powley, [2001] O.J. No. 607, at para. 136.  Sparrow, supra, at 1109. Emphasis added.  Sharilyn Calliou, Sunrise: Activism and Self-Determination in First Nations Education (1972-1998), in John H. Hylton (ed.), Aboriginal Self-Government in Canada: Current Trends and Issues, Saskatoon, Purich Publishing, 1999, at 158.  Canada, Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, Vol. 4, (Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services Canada, 1996).  Menno Boldt, Surviving as Indians. The Challenge of Self-Government (Toronto: UTP, 1993), at 191.  Mary Jane Norris and Karen MacCon, Aboriginal Language Transmission and Maintenance in Families: Results of an Intergenerational and Gender-Based Analysis for Canada, 1996 in Aboriginal Conditions: Research as a Foundation for Public Policy (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2003), at 169.     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